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Greek hippos and hippeus The derivational history of Greek p p ow and ppeÊw Michiel de Vaan Leiden University m a c de vaan hum leidenuniv nl The recent insight that the Proto-Anatolian word for ? horse ? was ek-u- suggests that the non-Anatolian word h e

The derivational history of Greek p p ow and ppeÊw Michiel de Vaan Leiden University m a c de vaan hum leidenuniv nl The recent insight that the Proto-Anatolian word for ? horse ? was ek-u- suggests that the non-Anatolian word h ekuo- ? horse ? resulted from thematization Its source may have been the genitive singular h kuós of the Early PIE u-stem for ? horse ? In Greek the vowel i in ppow may re ect a prop vowel which regularly arose in the cluster h ku- showing the generalization of h kuó- in a prestage of Greek The su ?x of ppeÊw ? horseman ? may have arisen from hypostasis of the locative singular h kèu ? on the horse on horseback ? yielding h kèus ? horse-rider ? thence the su ?x spread to other occupational denominations In his recent etymological dictionary of Hittite Alwin Kloekhorst - convincingly shows that the Anatolian words for ? horse ? go back to a Proto-Anatolian u-stem ek-u- ? horse ? from PIE h ék-u- Compare the attestations Hittite ekku- c ANSE KUR RA-us nom sg ANSE KUR RAHI A-un acc sg ANSE KUR RA-as gen sg ANSE KUR RAMES -us acc pl Cuneiform Luwian ássu- or azzu- c ANSE KUR RA-us nom sg Hieroglyphic Luwian ásu- c ? horse ? Lycian esb- ? horse ? esbedi abl -ins esbehi gen adj nom sg c The Lycian word is mostly cited as esbe- e g by Melchert but as Kloekhorst argues ??this is not necessarily correct as the -e- visible in abl -instr esbedi and gen adj esbehe i- in both cases is inherent to the ending -edi CLuw -áti -ehe i- CLuw -assa i- ? Kloekhorst infers that the thematic stem h ekuo- ? horse ? found in the other IndoEuropean languages must be the result of a thematization which was not shared by Anatolian This then is one of the common innovations of the Indo-European dialects that remained a linguistic unity for some time after Proto-Anatolian split o ? and one of the indications for the correctness of the Indo-Hittite hypothesis Kloekhorst ?? Cowgill The Journal of Indo-European Studies CThe derivational history of Greek ppow and ppeÊw and predecessors In the remainder of this paper I will call Early Proto-Indo- European EPIE the prestage reconstructed for all attested IE languages including Anatolian and Late Proto-Indo-European LPIE the prestage which resulted after Proto-Anatolian split o ? Since EPIE h éku- and LPIE h ékuo- both mean ? horse ? a derivation of h éku-o- as ? with speed speedy ? ? horse ? from h éku- ? speed ? as proposed by Schindler apud Balles Anm cannot be defended anymore The thematization attested outside Anatolian did not change the meaning ? horse ? and is therefore best interpreted as the result of a formal reanalysis Thematization of athematic nouns took place at a larger scale in the prehistory of many IndoEuropean nouns Well-known examples include the agent noun su